Eight decades have passed since the energy contained within an atom was used in warfare. Yet rather than suffering nuclear Armageddon, the world has achieved a surprising nuclear stability – so far. Equally remarkable, while nuclear technology has spread to many countries, only a small fraction have chosen to use it to develop weapons. The world has benefited from an effective nonproliferation regime, a set of rules, norms, and institutions that have discouraged – albeit haltingly and imperfectly – nuclear proliferation. But can it survive an era of rapid geopolitical shifts?

It’s no longer just a movie: The risk of a nuclear accident, mistake or blunder that escalates into war is a tangible reality. U.S.-China engagement is urgently needed and could produce more stability and sustainability than many other areas of cooperation in the face of new and evolving nuclear risks.

Francesca Giovannini is executive director of the Project on Managing the Atom (MTA) at the Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science & Internati

When a major country moves unilaterally to increase its own security, it triggers a greater sense of insecurity in others. The recent move by the United States to adjust its nuclear response strategy is having exactly that effect, along with a return of Cold War thinking.

Nuclear deterrence has been a defining characteristic of international security for nearly a century now. Already having weathered one Cold War, could China push the U.S. over the edge towards an all-out arms race in the 21st Century?

It is essential that China and the United States avoid a nuclear arms race. The recent stabilization of relations is a prerequisite for bilateral nuclear dialogue. Such a dialogue, in turn, will help maintain not only strategic stability but also healthy overall ties.

As China continues to rapidly increase its nuclear arsenal, the United States and its allies are exercising strategic response options. But ultimately, it’s imperative that China curb its nuclear buildup to avoid an unwinnable three-way arms race.

The DPRK places Northeast Asia at risk, and their current military trajectory could pose problems for the PRC as well as the U.S. and its allies. So despite their fundamental differences, it’s in the best interests of both Washington and Beijing to find opportunities to cooperate to promote regional stability.

The raging Russia-Ukraine conflict is a stark reminder of the urgency of effective management of weapons of mass destruction. The international community must come together to restart the long-stalled international negotiations over arms control and nuclear disarmament by fully utilizing the existing mechanisms and platforms and generating greater consensus and impetus among all stakeholders. A staunch supporter of the international arms control and nuclear disarmament regime, China adheres to its longstanding nuclear policy of maximum restraint and remains committed to the pursuit of a new path leading to a world of enduring peace and stability.

With America distracted by the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the ICBM on the Korean Peninsula is not getting much attention. But the problem won’t go away without judicious action on both sides.